The far right is often conflated with a strong sense of social conservatism, an ideology which prioritizes traditional power structures over progressivism and diversity.
However, in recent years, a phenomenon has occurred whereby far right parties in Western Europe have started to embrace LGBTQ diversity, while their nationalist and anti-immigration stances grow stronger.
It thus appears that a ‘trade-off’ is being made in favour of sexual diversity at the expense of multiculturalism.
My hypothesis is that this stems from the far right’s desire to further their agenda by portraying the West as a superior progressive entity as opposed to the ‘backwards’ ideologies of non-Western states, and subsequently the people that immigrate to Europe from these states.
While two decades ago LGBTQ rights were practically non-existent, times have now changed, with most Western states embracing progressive policies such as same-sex marriage and the legal recognition of transgender individuals.
This has become a significant differentiator that sets apart the West from the non-West and has been used to promote the idea of Western exceptionalism.
The rise of democratic governance and political freedoms is often attributed to the West, and despite the fact that this is often considered a flawed and Eurocentric viewpoint, the emergence of LGBTQ rights further entrenches this narrative.
Jasbir Puar coined the term “homonationalism” (short for “homonormative nationalism”) in her book Terrorist Assemblages (2007) to mean a form of sexual exceptionalism “contingent upon the segregation and disqualification of racial and sexual others” (p. 2).
Puar has applied this concept to various case studies. For example, she discusses the ‘pinkwashing’ tactics employed by Israel; a manifestation and practice made possible by homonationalism.
Such strategies, which appear to uphold and advance modern LGBTQ rights, while whitewashing racial and religious injustice, are described as being employed primarily to project a liberal and modernist ideal.
Furthermore, she also argues that in Abu Ghraib, homonationalism was specifically used to torture the detainees, and to racially and sexually ‘other’ them.
Knowing that homosexuality was considered a major taboo in the Muslim nation of Iraq, the American soldiers forced the Iraqi detainees to stimulate homosexual acts and took photos of them in an attempt to emasculate and shame them.
The far right was once staunchly traditionalist, and this continues to be the case in non-Western states where LGBTQ rights have not been embraced. However, since LGBTQ rights have been largely accepted and celebrated in Western countries like the Netherlands, France, and Germany, it was only a matter of time before far-right parties started to co-opt this social progress to promote their own nationalism.
With the newer generations becoming increasingly LGBTQ-friendly, it makes sense for these parties to distance themselves from homophobic rhetoric and to even reach out to potential gay voters.
In this study, I aim to conduct a comparative study of how homonationalism has manifested in various far right parties in Western Europe as a way of promoting anti-immigration sentiment.
I will use the following parties as case studies:
– Party for Freedom (PVV) in the Netherlands
– Alternative for Germany (AfD) in Germany
These parties all portray elements of homonationalism, but they are subject to differing contexts and outcomes.
For example, the PVV is proudly pro-LGBTQ rights, while the National Rally and the AfD have not yet openly declared their support for such, despite embracing sexual diversity.
I intend to employ the comparative method in order to explore the similarities and differences between each case study, and to potentially identify patterns.